L. Neil Smith's Some Limitations of the Non-aggression Doctrineby Patrick K Martin
Exclusive to TLE Part II: As concerns the community at large In the first part of this article, I discussed some of the problems one discovers in attempting to adhere to the non-aggression doctrine as an individual. Now I will attempt to show the even greater difficulties in discovering how to apply it to government.
I left the name of our esteemed publisher attached to this, because it is Mr. Smith who has popularized this principle through his work in science fiction (and because it never hurts to kiss up to the boss a little). It is also the work of Mr. Smith that helps to demonstrate the problems one discovers envisioning a government attempting to adhere to it.
If you look at our two statements for a moment, the problem becomes clear. Libertarians believe that government can be of positive social benefit, provided that it is limited to protecting the rights of its citizens. The primary means of doing so are, police to protect us from criminals, courts to protect us from fraud, and a military to protect us from invasion. The theory goes that if we can limit government to these functions and not allow its power to expand beyond them, everyone gains and nobody loses. The question is how can the government perform these functions, while not initiating force? In his book The supposed rationale behind government action is to provide
guidance for the whole of the population. In the example, had the
government not declared itself neutral, the people would be free to
do as they pleased, but when it did make the proclamation, it assumed
the burden of enforcing it. Therein lies the problem. A state without
the power to enforce its will is not a state. A state which allows a
portion of the population at large to initiate force against another
state or population is effectively nonexistent, and has no authority
to speak for that population.
If you wish a state to provide police protection, you must allow it
the authority to compel compliance. The police cannot say to the
lawbreaker, "come with us, or we�ll leave you alone." The police, by
the very nature of the job they are expected to do, must say "come
with us, or we will force you to comply." To do otherwise, is to
prevent them from doing the job you require. The rapist, thief, or
murderer has no incentive to do as you wish, if he faces no penalty
for noncompliance. He respects no law, no rights, only force, and if
you allow no force on the side of good, who wins? Sure, you might say
that he initiated force and you are only reacting to it, but if he
escapes the scene of his crime, is he not presumed innocent until his
guilt is proven? How will you prove it if you have no authority to
question him? How will you gather evidence of his guilt without
violating his property rights, if he refuses to allow it?
How do you expect the courts to determine the merits of your case, if
the person you accuse of defrauding you refuses to answer your
charges? If shredding documents and destroying evidence is all that
is required to avoid any penalty for his actions, is it not in his
own best interest to do so? How can the courts prevent this action,
if they have no authority to compel? He would be better served by
simply ignoring you and moving on to another local. How will you
prevent him? How will you identify him to the rest of the population,
if he should find some unscrupulous plastic surgeon to alter his
appearance? How will you impose justice, if you allow the criminal to
simply ignore it?
If faced with an invasion, how do you resist effectively, without
taking the war to the enemy? Do you simply allow the enemy to
maintain his war machine without interference? One of the most
effective means of forcing your will on the enemy is to deny him the
means to continue offensive operations. Well, how do you intend to do
that without attacking his means of production? Have you ever heard
of the Korean conflict? How about Vietnam? In both cases, the enemy
was allowed to operate from safe havens outside the main battlefield,
and in both cases our side was unable to win. If attacked, our
country must be able to interdict or destroy the invader�s men and
supplies. How would we accomplish this without the means to carry out
offensive operations? How would we do this without endangering
members of the enemy�s population who might not support the war?
Should we stop the war once the enemy has withdrawn from our shores?
If we continued the war beyond that point, are we not then initiating
force?
All government is force, because government without force is
government in name only. If one expects a government to assume the
responsibility for providing services, then one must provide the
authority to get the job done. Thus we arrive at the slippery slope,
because once we acknowledge that the state has the authority to
initiate force on our behalf, we acknowledge its right to do so on
the behalf of others, against us. There is no alternative, either we
have a state and allow it to act, or we reject the state and move on
from there.
Is America becoming a police state? Friends of liberty need to know. Some say the U.S. is already a police state. Others watch the news for signs that their country is about to cross an indefinable line. Since September 11, 2001, the question has become more urgent. When do roving wiretaps, random checkpoints, mysterious "detentions," and military tribunals cross over from being emergency measures to being the tools of a government permanently and irrevocably out of control? The State vs. the People examines these crucial issues. But first, it answers this fundamental question: "What is a police state?" Order from JPFO NOW!
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